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One of the
noblest testimonies ever uttered for the Reformation was the Protest
offered by the Christian princes of Germany at the Diet of Spires in
1529. The courage, faith, and firmness of those men of God gained
for succeeding ages liberty of thought and of conscience. Their
Protest gave to the reformed church the name of Protestant; its
principles are "the very essence of Protestantism."--D'Aubigne, b.
13, ch. 6.
A dark and threatening day had come
for the Reformation. Notwithstanding the Edict of Worms, declaring
Luther to be an outlaw and forbidding the teaching or belief of his
doctrines, religious toleration had thus far prevailed in the empire.
God's providence had held in check the forces that opposed the truth.
Charles V was bent on crushing the Reformation, but often as he raised
his hand to strike he had been forced to turn aside the blow. Again and
again the immediate destruction of all who dared to oppose themselves to
Rome appeared inevitable; but at the critical moment the armies of the
Turk appeared on the eastern frontier, or the king of France, or even
the pope himself, jealous of the increasing greatness of the emperor,
made war upon him; and thus, amid the strife and tumult of nations, the
Reformation had been left to strengthen and extend.
At last, however, the papal sovereigns
had stifled their feuds, that they might make common cause against the
Reformers. The Diet of Spires in 1526 had given each state full liberty
in matters of religion until the meeting of a general
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council; but no sooner had the dangers
passed which secured this concession, than the emperor summoned a second
Diet to convene at Spires in 1529 for the purpose of crushing heresy.
The princes were to be induced, by peaceable means if possible, to side
against the Reformation; but if these failed, Charles was prepared to
resort to the sword.
The papists were exultant. They
appeared at Spires in great numbers, and openly manifested their
hostility toward the Reformers and all who favored them. Said
Melanchthon: "We are the execration and the sweepings of the world; but
Christ will look down on His poor people, and will preserve them."--
Ibid., b. 13, ch. 5. The
evangelical princes in attendance at the Diet were forbidden even to
have the gospel preached in their dwellings. But the people of Spires
thirsted for the word of God, and, notwithstanding the prohibition,
thousands flocked to the services held in the chapel of the elector of
Saxony.
This hastened the crisis. An imperial
message announced to the Diet that as the resolution granting liberty of
conscience had given rise to great disorders, the emperor required that
it be annulled. This arbitrary act excited the indignation and alarm of
the evangelical Christians. Said one: "Christ has again fallen into the
hands of Caiaphas and Pilate." The Romanists became more violent. A
bigoted papist declared: "The Turks are better than the Lutherans; for
the Turks observe fast days, and the Lutherans violate them. If we must
choose between the Holy Scriptures of God and the old errors of the
church, we should reject the former." Said Melanchthon: "Every day, in
full assembly, Faber casts some new stone at us gospelers."--
Ibid., b. 13, ch. 5.
Religious toleration had been legally
established, and the evangelical states were resolved to oppose the
infringement of their rights. Luther, being still under the ban imposed
by the Edict of Worms, was not permitted to be present at Spires; but
his place was supplied by his colaborers and the princes whom God had
raised up to defend His cause in this emergency. The noble Frederick of
Saxony, Luther's
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former protector, had been removed by
death; but Duke John, his brother and successor, had joyfully welcomed
the Reformation, and while a friend of peace, he displayed great energy
and courage in all matters relating to the interests of the faith.
The priests demanded that the states
which had accepted the Reformation submit implicitly to Romish
jurisdiction. The Reformers, on the other hand, claimed the liberty
which had previously been granted. They could not consent that Rome
should again bring under her control those states that had with so great
joy received the word of God.
As a compromise it was finally
proposed that where the Reformation had not become established, the
Edict of Worms should be rigorously enforced; and that "in those where
the people had deviated from it, and where they could not conform to it
without danger of revolt, they should at least effect no new reform,
they should touch upon no controverted point, they should not oppose the
celebration of the mass, they should permit no Roman Catholic to embrace
Lutheranism." -- Ibid.,
b. 13, ch. 5. This measure passed the
Diet, to the great satisfaction of the popish priests and prelates.
If this edict were enforced, "the
Reformation could neither be extended . . . where as yet it was unknown,
nor be established on solid foundations . . . where it already
existed."-- Ibid.,
b. 13, ch. 5. Liberty of speech would be
prohibited. No conversions would be allowed. And to these restrictions
and prohibitions the friends of the Reformation were required at once to
submit. The hopes of the world seemed about to be extinguished. "The
re-establishment of the Romish hierarchy . . . would infallibly bring
back the ancient abuses;" and an occasion would readily be found for
"completing the destruction of a work already so violently shaken" by
fanaticism and dissension.--
Ibid., b. 13, ch. 5.
As the evangelical party met for
consultation, one looked to another in blank dismay. From one to another
passed the inquiry: "What is to be done?" Mighty issues for the world
were at stake. "Shall the chiefs of the Reformation
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submit, and accept the edict? How easily
might the Reformers at this crisis, which was truly a tremendous one,
have argued themselves into a wrong course! How many plausible pretexts
and fair reasons might they have found for submission! The Lutheran
princes were guaranteed the free exercise of their religion. The same
boon was extended to all those of their subjects who, prior to the
passing of the measure, had embraced the reformed views. Ought not this
to content them? How many perils would submission avoid! On what unknown
hazards and conflicts would opposition launch them! Who knows what
opportunities the future may bring? Let us embrace peace; let us seize
the olive branch Rome holds out, and close the wounds of Germany. With
arguments like these might the Reformers have justified their adoption
of a course which would have assuredly issued in no long time in the
overthrow of their cause.
"Happily they looked at the principle
on which this arrangement was based, and they acted in faith. What was
that principle? It was the right of Rome to coerce conscience and forbid
free inquiry. But were not themselves and their Protestant subjects to
enjoy religious freedom? Yes, as a favor specially stipulated for in the
arrangement, but not as a right. As to all outside that arrangement, the
great principle of authority was to rule; conscience was out of court;
Rome was infallible judge, and must be obeyed. The acceptance of the
proposed arrangement would have been a virtual admission that religious
liberty ought to be confined to reformed Saxony; and as to all the rest
of Christendom, free inquiry and the profession of the reformed faith
were crimes, and must be visited with the dungeon and the stake. Could
they consent to localize religious liberty? to have it proclaimed that
the Reformation had made its last convert? had subjugated its last acre?
and that wherever Rome bore sway at this hour, there her dominion was to
be perpetuated? Could the Reformers have pleaded that they were innocent
of the blood of those hundreds and thousands who, in pursuance of this
arrangement, would have to yield up their
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lives in popish lands? This would have
been to betray, at that supreme hour, the cause of the gospel and the
liberties of Christendom."--Wylie, b. 9, ch. 15. Rather would they
"sacrifice everything, even their states, their crowns, and their
lives."--D'Aubigne, b. 13, ch. 5.
"Let us reject this decree," said the
princes. "In matters of conscience the majority has no power." The
deputies declared: "It is to the decree of 1526 that we are indebted for
the peace that the empire enjoys: its abolition would fill Germany with
troubles and divisions. The Diet is incompetent to do more than preserve
religious liberty until the council meets."--
Ibid., b. 13, ch. 5. To
protect liberty of conscience is the duty of the state, and this is the
limit of its authority in matters of religion. Every secular government
that attempts to regulate or enforce religious observances by civil
authority is sacrificing the very principle for which the evangelical
Christian so nobly struggled.
The papists determined to put down
what they termed "daring obstinacy." They began by endeavoring to cause
divisions among the supporters of the Reformation and to intimidate all
who had not openly declared in its favor. The representatives of the
free cities were at last summoned before the Diet and required to
declare whether they would accede to the terms of the proposition. They
pleaded for delay, but in vain. When brought to the test, nearly one
half their number sided with the Reformers. Those who thus refused to
sacrifice liberty of conscience and the right of individual judgment
well knew that their position marked them for future criticism,
condemnation, and persecution. Said one of the delegates: "We must
either deny the word of God, or --be burnt."--
Ibid., b. 13, ch. 5.
King Ferdinand, the emperor's
representative at the Diet, saw that the decree would cause serious
divisions unless the princes could be induced to accept and sustain it.
He therefore tried the art of persuasion, well knowing that to employ
force with such men would only render them the more determined. He
"begged the princes to accept the decree,
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assuring them that the emperor would be
exceedingly pleased with them." But these faithful men acknowledged an
authority above that of earthly rulers, and they answered calmly: "We
will obey the emperor in everything that may contribute to maintain
peace and the honor of God."--
Ibid., b. 13, ch. 5.
In the presence of the Diet the king
at last announced to the elector and his friends that the edict "was
about to be drawn up in the form of an imperial decree," and that "their
only remaining course was to submit to the majority." Having thus
spoken, he withdrew from the assembly, giving the Reformers no
opportunity for deliberation or reply. "To no purpose they sent a
deputation entreating the king to return." To their remonstrances he
answered only: "It is a settled affair; submission is all that
remains."-- Ibid.,
b. 13, ch. 5.
The imperial party were convinced that
the Christian princes would adhere to the Holy Scriptures as superior to
human doctrines and requirements; and they knew that wherever this
principle was accepted, the papacy would eventually be overthrown. But,
like thousands since their time, looking only "at the things which are
seen," they flattered themselves that the cause of the emperor and the
pope was strong, and that of the Reformers weak. Had the Reformers
depended upon human aid alone, they would have been as powerless as the
papists supposed. But though weak in numbers, and at variance with Rome,
they had their strength. They appealed "from the report of the Diet to
the word of God, and from the emperor Charles to Jesus Christ, the King
of kings and Lord of lords."--
Ibid., b. 13, ch. 6.
As Ferdinand had refused to regard
their conscientious convictions, the princes decided not to heed his
absence, but to bring their Protest before the national council without
delay. A solemn declaration was therefore drawn up and presented to the
Diet:
"We protest by these presents, before
God, our only Creator, Preserver, Redeemer, and Saviour, and who will
one day be our Judge, as well as before all men and all creatures, that
we, for us and for our people, neither consent
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nor adhere in any manner whatsoever to
the proposed decree, in anything that is contrary to God, to His holy
word, to our right conscience, to the salvation of our souls."
"What! we ratify this edict! We assert
that when Almighty God calls a man to His knowledge, this man
nevertheless cannot receive the knowledge of God!" "There is no sure
doctrine but such as is conformable to the word of God. . . . The Lord
forbids the teaching of any other doctrine. . . . The Holy Scriptures
ought to be explained by other an clearer texts; . . . this Holy Book
is, in all things necessary for the Christian, easy of understanding,
and calculated to scatter the darkness. We are resolved, with the grace
of God, to maintain the pure and exclusive preaching of His only word,
such as it is contained in the biblical books of the Old and New
Testaments, without adding anything thereto that may be contrary to it.
This word is the only truth; it is the sure rule of all doctrine and of
all life, and can never fail or deceive us. He who builds on this
foundation shall stand against all the powers of hell, while all the
human vanities that are set up against it shall fall before the face of
God."
"For this reason we reject the yoke
that is imposed on us." "At the same time we are in expectation that his
imperial majesty will behave toward us like a Christian prince who loves
God above all things; and we declare ourselves ready to pay unto him, as
well as unto you, gracious lords, all the affection and obedience that
are our just and legitimate duty."--
Ibid., b. 13, ch. 6.
A deep impression was made upon the
Diet. The majority were filled with amazement and alarm at the boldness
of the protesters. The future appeared to them stormy and uncertain.
Dissension, strife, and bloodshed seemed inevitable. But the Reformers,
assured of the justice of their cause, and relying upon the arm of
Omnipotence, were "full of courage and firmness."
"The principles contained in this
celebrated Protest . . . constitute the very essence of Protestantism.
Now this Protest opposes two abuses of man in matters of faith: the
first is
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the intrusion of the civil magistrate,
and the second the arbitrary authority of the church. Instead of these
abuses, Protestantism sets the power of conscience above the magistrate,
and the authority of the word of God above the visible church. In the
first place, it rejects the civil power in divine things, and says with
the prophets and apostles, 'We
must obey God rather than man.'
In presence of the crown of Charles the
Fifth, it uplifts the crown of Jesus Christ. But it goes farther: it
lays down the principle that all human teaching should be subordinate to
the oracles of God."-- Ibid.,
b. 13, ch. 6. The protesters
had moreover affirmed their right to utter freely their convictions of
truth. They would not only believe and obey, but teach what the word of
God presents, and they denied the right of priest or magistrate to
interfere. The Protest of Spires was a solemn witness against religious
intolerance, and an assertion of the right of all men to worship God
according to the dictates of their own consciences.
The declaration had been made. It was
written in the memory of thousands and registered in the books of
heaven, where no effort of man could erase it. All evangelical Germany
adopted the Protest as the expression of its faith. Everywhere men
beheld in this declaration the promise of a new and better era. Said one
of the princes to the Protestants of Spires: "May the Almighty, who has
given you grace to confess energetically, freely, and fearlessly,
preserve you in that Christian firmness until the day of eternity."--
Ibid., b. 13, ch. 6.
Had the Reformation, after attaining a
degree of success, consented to temporize to secure favor with the
world, it would have been untrue to God and to itself, and would thus
have ensured its own destruction. The experience of these noble
Reformers contains a lesson for all succeeding ages. Satan's manner of
working against God and His word has not changed; he is still as much
opposed to the Scriptures being made the guide of life as in the
sixteenth century. In our time there is a wide departure from their
doctrines and precepts, and there is need of a return to the great
Protestant
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principle--the Bible, and the Bible only,
as the rule of faith and duty. Satan is still working through every
means which he can control to destroy religious liberty. The
antichristian power which the protesters of Spires rejected is now with
renewed vigor seeking to re-establish its lost supremacy. The same
unswerving adherence to the word of God manifested at that crisis of the
Reformation is the only hope of reform today.
There appeared tokens of danger to the
Protestants; there were tokens, also, that the divine hand was stretched
out to protect the faithful. It was about this time that "Melanchthon
hastily conducted through the streets of Spires toward the Rhine his
friend Simon Grynaeus, pressing him to cross the river. The latter was
astonished at such precipitation. 'An old man of grave and solemn air,
but who is unknown to me,' said Melanchthon, 'appeared before me and
said, In a minute officers of justice will be sent by Ferdinand to
arrest Grynaeus.'"
During the day, Grynaeus had been
scandalized at a sermon by Faber, a leading papal doctor; and at the
close, remonstrated with him for defending "certain detestable errors."
"Faber dissembled his anger, but immediately after repaired to the king,
from whom he had obtained an order against the importunate professor of
Heidelberg. Melanchthon doubted not that God had saved his friend by
sending one of His holy angels to forewarn him.
"Motionless on the banks of the Rhine,
he waited until the waters of that stream had rescued Grynaeus from his
persecutors. 'At last,' cried Melanchthon, as he saw him on the opposite
side, 'at last he is torn from the cruel jaws of those who thirst for
innocent blood.' When he returned to his house, Melanchthon was informed
that officers in search of Grynaeus had ransacked it from top to
bottom."-- Ibid.,
b. 13, ch. 6.
The Reformation was to be brought into
greater prominence before the mighty ones of the earth. The evangelical
princes had been denied a hearing by King Ferdinand; but they were to be
granted an opportunity to present their cause
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in the presence of the emperor and the
assembled dignitaries of church and state. To quiet the dissensions
which disturbed the empire, Charles V, in the year following the Protest
of Spires, convoked a diet at Augsburg, over which he announced his
intention to preside in person. Thither the Protestant leaders were
summoned.
Great dangers threatened the
Reformation; but its advocates still trusted their cause with God, and
pledged themselves to be firm to the gospel. The elector of Saxony was
urged by his councilors not to appear at the Diet. The emperor, they
said, required the attendance of the princes in order to draw them into
a snare. "Is it not risking everything to go and shut oneself up within
the walls of a city with a powerful enemy?" But others nobly declared,
"Let the princes only comport themselves with courage, and God's cause
is saved." "God is faithful; He will not abandon us," said Luther.--
Ibid., b. 14, ch. 2. The
elector set out, with his retinue, for Augsburg. All were acquainted
with the dangers that menaced him, and many went forward with gloomy
countenance and troubled heart. But Luther, who accompanied them as far
as Coburg, revived their sinking faith by singing the hymn, written on
that journey, "A strong tower is our God." Many an anxious foreboding
was banished, many a heavy heart lightened, at the sound of the
inspiring strains.
The reformed princes had determined
upon having a statement of their views in systematic form, with the
evidence from the Scriptures, to present before the Diet; and the task
of its preparation was committed to Luther, Melanchthon, and their
associates. This Confession was accepted by the Protestants as an
exposition of their faith, and they assembled to affix their names to
the important document. It was a solemn and trying time. The Reformers
were solicitous that their cause should not be confounded with political
questions; they felt that the Reformation should exercise no other
influence than that which proceeds from the word of God.
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As the Christian princes advanced to sign
the Confession, Melanchthon interposed, saying: "It is for the
theologians and ministers to propose these things; let us reserve for
other matters the authority of the mighty ones of the earth." "God
forbid," replied John of Saxony, "that you should exclude me. I am
resolved to do what is right, without troubling myself about my crown. I
desire to confess the Lord. My electoral hat and my ermine are not so
precious to me as the cross of Jesus Christ." Having thus spoken, he
wrote down his name. Said another of the princes as he took the pen: "If
the honor of my Lord Jesus Christ requires it, I am ready . . . to leave
my goods and life behind." "I would rather renounce my subjects and my
states, rather quit the country of my fathers staff in hand," he
continued, "than receive any other doctrine than that which is contained
in this Confession." -- Ibid.,
b. 14, ch. 6. Such was the
faith and daring of those men of God.
The appointed time came to appear
before the emperor. Charles V, seated upon his throne, surrounded by the
electors and the princes, gave audience to the Protestant Reformers. The
confession of their faith was read. In that august assembly the truths
of the gospel were clearly set forth, and the errors of the papal church
were pointed out. Well has that day been pronounced "the greatest day of
the Reformation, and one of the most glorious in the history of
Christianity and of mankind."--
Ibid., b. 14, ch. 7.
But a few years had passed since the
monk of Wittenberg stood alone at Worms before the national council. Now
in his stead were the noblest and most powerful princes of the empire.
Luther had been forbidden to appear at Augsburg, but he had been present
by his words and prayers. "I am overjoyed," he wrote, "that I have lived
until this hour, in which Christ has been publicly exalted by such
illustrious confessors, and in so glorious an assembly."--
Ibid., b. 14, ch. 7. Thus was
fulfilled what the Scripture says: "I will speak of Thy testimonies . .
. before kings." Psalm 119:46.
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In the days of Paul the gospel for
which he was imprisoned was thus brought before the princes and nobles
of the imperial city. So on this occasion, that which the emperor had
forbidden to be preached from the pulpit was proclaimed from the palace;
what many had regarded as unfit even for servants to listen to was heard
with wonder by the masters and lords of the empire. Kings and great men
were the auditory, crowned princes were the preachers, and the sermon
was the royal truth of God. "Since the apostolic age," says a writer,
"there has never been a greater work or a more magnificent
confession."--D'Aubigne, b. 14, ch. 7.
"All that the Lutherans have said is
true; we cannot deny it," declared a papist bishop. "Can you refute by
sound reasons the Confession made by the elector and his allies?" asked
another of Dr. Eck. "With the writings of the apostles and
prophets--no!" was the reply; "but with those of the Fathers and of the
councils--yes!" "I understand," responded the questioner. "The
Lutherans, according to you, are in Scripture, and we are outside."--
Ibid., b. 14, ch. 8.
Some of the princes of Germany were
won to the reformed faith. The emperor himself declared that the
Protestant articles were but the truth. The Confession was translated
into many languages and circulated through all Europe, and it has been
accepted by millions in succeeding generations as the expression of
their faith.
God's faithful servants were not
toiling alone. While principalities and powers and wicked spirits in
high places were leagued against them, the Lord did not forsake His
people. Could their eyes have been opened, they would have seen as
marked evidence of divine presence and aid as was granted to a prophet
of old. When Elisha's servant pointed his master to the hostile army
surrounding them and cutting off all opportunity for escape, the prophet
prayed: "Lord, I pray Thee, open his eyes, that he may see." 2 Kings
6:17. And, lo, the mountain was filled with chariots and horses of fire,
the army of heaven stationed to protect the man of God. Thus did angels
guard the workers in the cause of the Reformation.
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One of the principles most firmly
maintained by Luther was that there should be no resort to secular power
in support of the Reformation, and no appeal to arms for its defense. He
rejoiced that the gospel was confessed by princes of the empire; but
when they proposed to unite in a defensive league, he declared that "the
doctrine of the gospel should be defended by
God
alone. . . . The less man meddled in the
work, the more striking would be God's intervention in its behalf. All
the politic precautions suggested were, in his view, attributable to
unworthy fear and sinful mistrust."-- D'Aubigne, London ed., b. 10, ch.
14.
When powerful foes were uniting to
overthrow the reformed faith, and thousands of swords seemed about to be
unsheathed against it, Luther wrote: "Satan is putting forth his fury;
ungodly pontiffs are conspiring; and we are threatened with war. Exhort
the people to contend valiantly before the throne of the Lord, by faith
and prayer, so that our enemies, vanquished by the Spirit of God, may be
constrained to peace. Our chief want, our chief labor, is prayer; let
the people know that they are now exposed to the edge of the sword and
to the rage of Satan, and let them pray."-- D'Aubigne, b. 10, ch. 14.
Again, at a later date, referring to
the league contemplated by the reformed princes, Luther declared that
the only weapon employed in this warfare should be "the sword of the
Spirit." He wrote to the elector of Saxony: "We cannot on our conscience
approve the proposed alliance. We would rather die ten times than see
our gospel cause one drop of blood to be shed. Our part is to be like
lambs of the slaughter. The cross of Christ must be borne. Let your
highness be without fear. We shall do more by our prayers than all our
enemies by their boastings. Only let not your hands be stained with the
blood of your brethren. If the emperor requires us to be given up to his
tribunals, we are ready to appear. You cannot defend our faith: each one
should believe at his own risk and peril."--
Ibid., b. 14, ch. 1.
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From the secret place of prayer came
the power that shook the world in the Great Reformation. There, with
holy calmness, the servants of the Lord set their feet upon the rock of
His promises. During the struggle at Augsburg, Luther "did not pass a
day without devoting three hours at least to prayer, and they were hours
selected from those the most favorable to study." In the privacy of his
chamber he was heard to pour out his soul before God in words "full of
adoration, fear, and hope, as when one speaks to a friend." "I know that
Thou art our Father and our God," he said, "and that Thou wilt scatter
the persecutors of Thy children; for Thou art Thyself endangered with
us. All this matter is Thine, and it is only by Thy constraint that we
have put our hands to it. Defend us, then, O Father!"--
Ibid., b. 14, ch. 6.
To Melanchthon, who was crushed under
the burden of anxiety and fear, he wrote: "Grace and peace in Christ--in
Christ, I say, and not in the world. Amen. I hate with exceeding hatred
those extreme cares which consume you. If the cause is unjust, abandon
it; if the cause is just, why should we belie the promises of Him who
commands us to sleep without fear? . . . Christ will not be wanting to
the work of justice and truth. He lives, He reigns; what fear, then, can
we have?"-- Ibid.,
b. 14, ch. 6.
God did listen to the cries of His
servants. He gave to princes and ministers grace and courage to maintain
the truth against the rulers of the darkness of this world. Saith the
Lord: "Behold, I lay in Zion a chief cornerstone, elect, precious: and
he that believeth on Him shall not be confounded." 1 Peter 2:6. The
Protestant Reformers had built on Christ, and the gates of hell could
not prevail against them.
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